“I’m back in this fight,” Lula said in Sao Paulo yesterday.
He returned without leaving. Lula where he has always been in a power struggle for the last four decades.
In May 1982, one afternoon in the forties, he made his debut as a candidate, during a campaign parade on the sidewalk of Rua Das Flores in central Curitiba.
He was a smiling bearded man, waving to strangers in the middle of a group with a vague Workers Party banner and improvised poster, where only eight weeks of existence was recognized by the electoral tribunal.
A small band animates the procession, paving the way for Boca Maldita, where the Curitiba tradition recommends the full exercise of the freedom to speak badly about everything and everyone, starting with friends.
Six months later, he ran for governor of So Paulo. He lost to Andre Franco Montero from MDB, but dropped out of fourth place with 10.7% of the vote.
In 1982, Luiz Inacio, nicknamed “Biano” at the Metallurgical Union in the ABC region of Sao Paulo, changed his name to Luis Inacio Lula da Silva in his birth certificate. Two years later he was elected federal deputy, participated in the Constituent Assembly, and in 1989 he reached the second round of the first presidential election by direct vote. He lost to Fernando Caller, who was removed from power in an impeachment led by PT.
Since then, he has turned rallies into a summons, as he did yesterday: “It is more of a summons than a political action. To men and women of all generations, all classes, religions, castes and regions of the country. To restore democracy and restore sovereignty. “
The difference from the previous campaigns was in the well-organized text of the speech, in contrast to the usual verbal violence of the opponent in a weak voice and a few improvisations and studied moderate tunes, who did not even name but blamed the crisis for 45. Minutes
He spoke in support of the US Alliance, but said that maintaining some independence was not the answer.
He publicly fired his former chief of staff, Jose Derseiu, and his successor in the presidency, Dilma Rousseff, from his ministry, five months before the start of the vote, and showed himself in the “high jump” to ensure electoral victory. “I want to tell you, Dilma, you will not be my minister, but you will be my partner …”
He presents a comprehensive assessment of the “destruction” of sovereignty – from public policy to state-controlled companies. He recalled that in a country ruled by an elected opponent, “living has become much more expensive” and families have become “indebted to food”.
In the conduct of politics, Lula is now a “pre” candidate for the PT and half a dozen parties, the same party that has always supported him in the first or second round of the last 33 years of presidential election. He never came back – he was a hero at Dilma’s rallies in 2010 and 2014, and, from Curitiba prison, he was ubiquitous in the campaign of Fernando Haddad, who lost to Zaire Balsonaro in 2018.
Contradictions with candidates for previous incarnations are highlighted in a subtle way: today’s Lula wants a blank check from voters to make the necessary changes to “the urgent task of restoring Brazil’s sovereignty.”
In yesterday’s long speech, he deserved an explanation of exactly what and how he wanted to do it. Both to “protect” Amazon and “recover” lost industrialization, among other things, “cheap credit”, “good jobs”, “increase” wages above inflation.
He thinks he deserves a blank check because, as he told Time magazine’s Ciara Nujant, he understands that he “should not be the only candidate’s concern” – with economic implications – “because I’ve been president twice.” And it is enough to vote for him.